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Iraqi
resistance movements have been using vehicle bombs
against the US occupation.
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After
Saddam Hussein’s Ba’thist infrastructure collapsed in Iraq,
and US troops rode into Baghdad, an important goal of the
Pentagon was to establish law and order in the city. The power
vacuum created after the fall of Saddam needed to be filled by a
new entity, and that entity became the United States. While
unprepared for the task ahead, the Pentagon and policymakers in
Washington aimed to stabilize Baghdad and the rest of Iraq in
order to allow Iraqis to continue on with their lives. The end
goal of the Bush administration was to replace the leadership in
Baghdad with a US-friendly one, while having as little effect on
the Iraqi people as possible.
Yet
by undertaking such a mission, the United States marched into an
interesting paradox that often occurs when a state occupies
another: occupation often sparks guerrilla resistance. As
guerrilla resistance intensifies, the occupying power finds
itself justifying its continued involvement in order to contain
the resistance; yet the more involved the occupier becomes, the
more determined is the resistance.
Many
of the groups and individuals behind the insurgency in Iraq have
stated that their purpose of fighting is to end the US
occupation. While some groups are made up of disenfranchised
members of Saddam’s banned Ba’th Party, other groups have
claimed that they have no allegiance to it and are only
interested in removing US troops from Iraqi soil.
These
different militant organizations have been plaguing US soldiers
in the country, especially around the Baghdad area. Using
roadside and vehicle bombs, hit and run attacks, and other
methods of guerrilla warfare, insurgents in Iraq have prevented
the United States from accomplishing its mission of replacing
the leadership in Baghdad while at the same time preventing the
country from falling into violence and instability.
The
main reason why the Bush administration is trying to stabilize
Iraq and reduce the strain on the Iraqi population is because a
major national interest of the administration is for Iraq to
become an important US foothold in the Middle East, a country
that can provide Washington power and influence in the region.
For this to work effectively, Iraq needs to be stabilized and
the people generally have to support a new government in Baghdad
that acquiesces to US interests.
And
this is where the problem lies. The administration sees the only
solution of stabilizing Iraq in the ability of the US military
to deal a death blow to the insurgency. But since this is
Washington’s only real strategy, it means that the occupation
will have to remain until the insurgency is destroyed.
Yet,
the reason that the insurgency exists is to prevent the US from
occupying Iraq, and the longer the occupation remains, the
stronger the insurgency will probably become. Furthermore, as is
usually the case in guerrilla conflicts, the Iraqi people will
blame the United States for the carnage and instability created
during warfare between the insurgents and US troops. Similar to
what happened during US involvement in the Vietnam struggle or
in present day Israel, the longer the war rages, the more
support the insurgents and militant organizations receive.
In
a country like Iraq, increasing support for the insurgency will
wreak havoc on the ability of the Bush administration to justify
to the US population its involvement there. If the Iraqi people
show less and less support for the US-led coalition authorities,
an already skeptical American population will intensify their
questioning of the Bush administration. With a presidential
election less than a year away, the Bush administration is
struggling to keep the picture rosy in Iraq in order to prevent
the American people from becoming disenchanted over US foreign
policy.
Therefore,
if the insurgency is not destroyed, the occupation will continue
until it becomes so unpopular domestically that Washington will
be forced to pull out, similar to the political failure that
occurred during US involvement in Vietnam. One effort that the
Bush administration is undertaking to prevent the US population
from becoming disenchanted with the occupation has been to
redeploy US troops out of the most hostile parts of the Baghdad
area and to form a perimeter around the city.
The
number of US military bases in Baghdad has already been
dramatically reduced, now down to 26 from a high of 60. The
Pentagon plans to reduce this number to eight by the middle of
April. Hoping that Iraq’s security forces will be able to keep
a general atmosphere of stability in Baghdad, the administration
would like to bring Iraq off the political radar for the time
being.
In
theory, this strategy could work. In practice, however, if US
troops pull out of Baghdad, yet remain in Iraq, it will provide
time and freedom for insurgents to better organize their
infrastructure and prepare for bolder and more efficient
attacks. The belief that Iraq’s security forces will be able
to crack down effectively on the guerrillas is unrealistic; one
only needs to look at the many high-profile insurgent attacks on
the security forces to realize that the guerrillas look at them
in the same way they look at US soldiers, who are far better
trained and equipped.
Therefore,
the paradox of occupation could prove to be Washington’s death
knell in Iraq. With no firm strategy to end the insurgency, and
with an eroding political base at home, the Bush administration
has already been forced to sacrifice military strategy in
exchange for domestic support, a decision that could quickly
unravel Washington’s efforts to bring stability to post-Saddam
Iraq.
Erich
Marquardt is an analyst with the Power
and Interest News Report (PINR). He can be contacted at content@pinr.com.